![\"\"](\"http:\/\/blogs.sonia.de\/integration\/files\/2023\/03\/graphic_recording_zu_Prof.in_Dr.in_Christine_Baur.jpg\")
<\/a><\/figure>\n\n\n\nResults from the comparison<\/strong><\/h1>\n\n\n\nComparison of the educational policy situation<\/em><\/strong><\/h1>\n\n\n\nIn France, the fulfilment of the state\u2019s task\nof creating equal opportunities in line with republican values through the\nsupport of individuals is evident in schools. In Germany, equal opportunities\nare established within the framework of the meritocratic principle through the\nlearning of the national language. In Denmark, instead of equal opportunities,\nthe approach is one of fairness of opportunities in the greater and more\ncomprehensive support of newly arriving students, for example even as far as\nthe acceptance of English as an interim language of education.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
While in Germany the separation is often based on language skills (in Lower Saxony less on the structural level, but rather on the informal level), in France and Denmark the level of knowledge is prioritised \u2013 both in the placement assessment and in the classroom. In France, language support takes place exclusively in the language learning classes, whereas in Germany there are additional resources through programmes that take effect when an above-average proportion of pupils with a migrant background is measured in schools or language tests indicate a need. In Denmark, municipalities offer additional support and are represented in schools by means of education offices.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
![\"\"](\"http:\/\/blogs.sonia.de\/integration\/files\/2023\/04\/gr_caption_baur-7.jpg\")
<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\nA clear difference between the countries can be seen in the handling of residency status, which in France determines the initial situation, but not everyday school life. While asking about residency status is taboo there, social origin in Germany is embedded in contexts of justification for difficulties in school. In Denmark, on the other hand, dealing with the migrant background or language barriers follows strict rules in the sense that they are taken into account in communication. There is also a stark contrast between the restrictive integration policy of the state and the municipalities. In France, the principle of secularism is evident as a conflict-avoidance strategy in everyday school and extracurricular life.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Comparison of professional challenges \u2013 focus on legal guardians<\/em><\/strong><\/h1>\n\n\n\nDealing with legal guardians was mentioned most\noften by those surveyed in all three countries as being a professional\nchallenge. This includes cultural and religious conflicts with parents. In\nGermany, according to the respondents, they influence communication. In\nDenmark, no conflicts are named, but differences are emphasised as a challenge\nin interacting with them with recognition. In France, secularism is valued as a\nmeans of avoiding conflict, and the involvement of parents in solution\nprocesses is seen as standard. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
The difference is that in Germany there is\ntension between recognition of legal guardians and negative attribution\nprocesses, whereas in France cooperation with legal guardians is seen as the\nprimary goal of school social work. A strong educational partnership in\ncooperation with all participating professions can only be seen in Denmark. At\nschools in Lower Saxony, dealing with legal guardians is described by many\nschool actors as a particular challenge, especially due to language barriers.\nSchool social work, on the other hand, emphasises that the legal guardians are\nan integral part of the school family and are present in parents\u2019 caf\u00e9s. A\nparallel can be seen here with the parents\u2019 school the parents\u2019 caf\u00e9 approach\nin primary schools in France. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
As in Germany, parents in Denmark are always seen as \u201cpart of the solution\u201d by the school actors. The Danish teachers assume that parents need to understand what is being talked about and use interpreters for joint discussions at all times. They also use a variety of media to establish direct contact with the legal guardians.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Comparison of multi-professionalism<\/em><\/strong><\/h1>\n\n\n\n![\"\"](\"http:\/\/blogs.sonia.de\/integration\/files\/2023\/04\/gr_caption_startseite-3.jpg\")
<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\nIn Denmark, municipal network representatives\nare located directly in the school, e.g. through career guidance. Weekly team\ndiscussions as well as several network meetings per year in different\nconstellations point to a goal-oriented institutionalisation of cooperation as\nwell as division of labour and interlinked areas of responsibility.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
In France, on the other hand, communication between the professions tends to be more informal without regular team meetings. Long working days because of having full-day school as a regular model offer sufficient time windows for exchange. In Germany, structured and network-oriented cooperation takes place primarily between the school social workers. There is discernible tension in Germany between the appreciation of and assignment of tasks to school social workers by teachers. A gradation can be seen from the low degree of school multi-professional cooperation in France, to a need for development in Germany, to successful multi-professional cooperation in Denmark.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Comparison of recognition of multilingualism (cf. article by Adina K\u00fcchler-Hendricks)<\/em><\/strong><\/h1>\n\n\n\nThe recognition of multilingualism is more pronounced in France and Denmark than in Germany, in dealing both with the use of the native language by pupils and by their legal guardians. According to the study, the disenfranchisement of the language of origin through penalty for use in the classroom is something that takes place only in Germany (Baur\/K\u00fcchler-Hendricks 2020).<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Conclusion<\/h1>\n\n\n\n
For the new immigration in the migration\nsociety, special change is required of school. A European comparison highlights\nwhat schools in Germany can learn from neighbouring European countries France\nand Denmark:<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Migration is considered the norm in France and\nDenmark. The social integration of refugees is seen as a general\nsocio-political and professional-specific task. The multilingualism of children\nand young people is an accepted resource in everyday classroom life. In terms\nof organisation, the new arrivals are assigned to a regular class from the\noutset and successively integrated on the basis of the UPE2A (language learning\nclass); this is comparable to the Danish reception classes, from which the\ntransition to a regular class is also ensured. In France, parents can obtain\nsecure residency status on the basis of their will to educate \u2013 as expressed\nthrough the continuous schooling of their children. The French way of avoiding\nethnic, cultural and religious conflicts through the secularity requirement in\norder to enforce civil rights is a discussable approach for German schools. The\nsegregation processes at schools that can be observed in both Germany and\nFrance show, using the example of the language learning class of the coll\u00e8ge<\/em>\nin France, that a targeted establishment of language learning classes with\nparallel integration into regular classes at socio-economically strong schools\nmakes the school a safe place. This facilitates social participation and\nindependent living (cf. Baur 2020).<\/p>\n\n\n\nIn Denmark, a strong welcoming culture supports the concept of \u201cschool as a safe place\u201d and the school members surveyed place a focus on the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. This is not mentioned in the German survey, although in schools in Lower Saxony multi-professional cooperation aims at establishing network structures between schools and extra-curricular educational and cultural services as well as the police and the youth welfare office. A European comparison of school integration shows that it is not merely human, financial and material resources that municipalities must provide. At the same time, a human rights-focused approach to education and administration based on the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child is needed to adequately address the challenges described by the respondents. In Denmark, for example, teachers are trained by school psychologists in relationships of recognition with students. It should be discussed to what extent this task should be anchored modularly in education and training at universities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Literatur<\/strong>e<\/p>\n\n\n\nBaur, Christine (2020<\/strong>): Integration von gefl\u00fcchteten Sch\u00fcler\/innen durch Bildung – Impulse aus Frankreich. In Kolhoff, Ludger (Hg.), Aktuelle Diskurse in der Sozialwirtschaft III. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag f\u00fcr Sozialwissenschaften, S. 161-179.<\/p>\n\n\n\nBaur, C.; K\u00fcchler-Hendricks, A. (2021):<\/strong> \u201eAu\u00dfer Deutsch darf keine Sprache in diesem Unterricht gesprochen werden\u201c \u2013 Sprache und Heterogenit\u00e4t im deutschen Schulsystem\u201c.\u00a0K\u00f6lner Online Journal f\u00fcr Lehrer*innenbildung 3, 1\/2021, 70-82.<\/p>\n\n\n\nSchulze, E.; Spindler, S. (2017):<\/strong> Schule als sicherer Ort. Flucht als Herausforderung f\u00fcr Soziale Arbeit in der Schule. In: Die Deutsche Schule 109 (3), S. 248\u2013259. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
In France, the fulfilment of the state\u2019s task\nof creating equal opportunities in line with republican values through the\nsupport of individuals is evident in schools. In Germany, equal opportunities\nare established within the framework of the meritocratic principle through the\nlearning of the national language. In Denmark, instead of equal opportunities,\nthe approach is one of fairness of opportunities in the greater and more\ncomprehensive support of newly arriving students, for example even as far as\nthe acceptance of English as an interim language of education.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
While in Germany the separation is often based on language skills (in Lower Saxony less on the structural level, but rather on the informal level), in France and Denmark the level of knowledge is prioritised \u2013 both in the placement assessment and in the classroom. In France, language support takes place exclusively in the language learning classes, whereas in Germany there are additional resources through programmes that take effect when an above-average proportion of pupils with a migrant background is measured in schools or language tests indicate a need. In Denmark, municipalities offer additional support and are represented in schools by means of education offices.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\nA clear difference between the countries can be seen in the handling of residency status, which in France determines the initial situation, but not everyday school life. While asking about residency status is taboo there, social origin in Germany is embedded in contexts of justification for difficulties in school. In Denmark, on the other hand, dealing with the migrant background or language barriers follows strict rules in the sense that they are taken into account in communication. There is also a stark contrast between the restrictive integration policy of the state and the municipalities. In France, the principle of secularism is evident as a conflict-avoidance strategy in everyday school and extracurricular life.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Comparison of professional challenges \u2013 focus on legal guardians<\/em><\/strong><\/h1>\n\n\n\nDealing with legal guardians was mentioned most\noften by those surveyed in all three countries as being a professional\nchallenge. This includes cultural and religious conflicts with parents. In\nGermany, according to the respondents, they influence communication. In\nDenmark, no conflicts are named, but differences are emphasised as a challenge\nin interacting with them with recognition. In France, secularism is valued as a\nmeans of avoiding conflict, and the involvement of parents in solution\nprocesses is seen as standard. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
The difference is that in Germany there is\ntension between recognition of legal guardians and negative attribution\nprocesses, whereas in France cooperation with legal guardians is seen as the\nprimary goal of school social work. A strong educational partnership in\ncooperation with all participating professions can only be seen in Denmark. At\nschools in Lower Saxony, dealing with legal guardians is described by many\nschool actors as a particular challenge, especially due to language barriers.\nSchool social work, on the other hand, emphasises that the legal guardians are\nan integral part of the school family and are present in parents\u2019 caf\u00e9s. A\nparallel can be seen here with the parents\u2019 school the parents\u2019 caf\u00e9 approach\nin primary schools in France. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
As in Germany, parents in Denmark are always seen as \u201cpart of the solution\u201d by the school actors. The Danish teachers assume that parents need to understand what is being talked about and use interpreters for joint discussions at all times. They also use a variety of media to establish direct contact with the legal guardians.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Comparison of multi-professionalism<\/em><\/strong><\/h1>\n\n\n\n<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\nIn Denmark, municipal network representatives\nare located directly in the school, e.g. through career guidance. Weekly team\ndiscussions as well as several network meetings per year in different\nconstellations point to a goal-oriented institutionalisation of cooperation as\nwell as division of labour and interlinked areas of responsibility.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
In France, on the other hand, communication between the professions tends to be more informal without regular team meetings. Long working days because of having full-day school as a regular model offer sufficient time windows for exchange. In Germany, structured and network-oriented cooperation takes place primarily between the school social workers. There is discernible tension in Germany between the appreciation of and assignment of tasks to school social workers by teachers. A gradation can be seen from the low degree of school multi-professional cooperation in France, to a need for development in Germany, to successful multi-professional cooperation in Denmark.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Comparison of recognition of multilingualism (cf. article by Adina K\u00fcchler-Hendricks)<\/em><\/strong><\/h1>\n\n\n\nThe recognition of multilingualism is more pronounced in France and Denmark than in Germany, in dealing both with the use of the native language by pupils and by their legal guardians. According to the study, the disenfranchisement of the language of origin through penalty for use in the classroom is something that takes place only in Germany (Baur\/K\u00fcchler-Hendricks 2020).<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Conclusion<\/h1>\n\n\n\n
For the new immigration in the migration\nsociety, special change is required of school. A European comparison highlights\nwhat schools in Germany can learn from neighbouring European countries France\nand Denmark:<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Migration is considered the norm in France and\nDenmark. The social integration of refugees is seen as a general\nsocio-political and professional-specific task. The multilingualism of children\nand young people is an accepted resource in everyday classroom life. In terms\nof organisation, the new arrivals are assigned to a regular class from the\noutset and successively integrated on the basis of the UPE2A (language learning\nclass); this is comparable to the Danish reception classes, from which the\ntransition to a regular class is also ensured. In France, parents can obtain\nsecure residency status on the basis of their will to educate \u2013 as expressed\nthrough the continuous schooling of their children. The French way of avoiding\nethnic, cultural and religious conflicts through the secularity requirement in\norder to enforce civil rights is a discussable approach for German schools. The\nsegregation processes at schools that can be observed in both Germany and\nFrance show, using the example of the language learning class of the coll\u00e8ge<\/em>\nin France, that a targeted establishment of language learning classes with\nparallel integration into regular classes at socio-economically strong schools\nmakes the school a safe place. This facilitates social participation and\nindependent living (cf. Baur 2020).<\/p>\n\n\n\nIn Denmark, a strong welcoming culture supports the concept of \u201cschool as a safe place\u201d and the school members surveyed place a focus on the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. This is not mentioned in the German survey, although in schools in Lower Saxony multi-professional cooperation aims at establishing network structures between schools and extra-curricular educational and cultural services as well as the police and the youth welfare office. A European comparison of school integration shows that it is not merely human, financial and material resources that municipalities must provide. At the same time, a human rights-focused approach to education and administration based on the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child is needed to adequately address the challenges described by the respondents. In Denmark, for example, teachers are trained by school psychologists in relationships of recognition with students. It should be discussed to what extent this task should be anchored modularly in education and training at universities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Literatur<\/strong>e<\/p>\n\n\n\nBaur, Christine (2020<\/strong>): Integration von gefl\u00fcchteten Sch\u00fcler\/innen durch Bildung – Impulse aus Frankreich. In Kolhoff, Ludger (Hg.), Aktuelle Diskurse in der Sozialwirtschaft III. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag f\u00fcr Sozialwissenschaften, S. 161-179.<\/p>\n\n\n\nBaur, C.; K\u00fcchler-Hendricks, A. (2021):<\/strong> \u201eAu\u00dfer Deutsch darf keine Sprache in diesem Unterricht gesprochen werden\u201c \u2013 Sprache und Heterogenit\u00e4t im deutschen Schulsystem\u201c.\u00a0K\u00f6lner Online Journal f\u00fcr Lehrer*innenbildung 3, 1\/2021, 70-82.<\/p>\n\n\n\nSchulze, E.; Spindler, S. (2017):<\/strong> Schule als sicherer Ort. Flucht als Herausforderung f\u00fcr Soziale Arbeit in der Schule. In: Die Deutsche Schule 109 (3), S. 248\u2013259. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\nIn Denmark, municipal network representatives\nare located directly in the school, e.g. through career guidance. Weekly team\ndiscussions as well as several network meetings per year in different\nconstellations point to a goal-oriented institutionalisation of cooperation as\nwell as division of labour and interlinked areas of responsibility.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
In France, on the other hand, communication between the professions tends to be more informal without regular team meetings. Long working days because of having full-day school as a regular model offer sufficient time windows for exchange. In Germany, structured and network-oriented cooperation takes place primarily between the school social workers. There is discernible tension in Germany between the appreciation of and assignment of tasks to school social workers by teachers. A gradation can be seen from the low degree of school multi-professional cooperation in France, to a need for development in Germany, to successful multi-professional cooperation in Denmark.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Comparison of recognition of multilingualism (cf. article by Adina K\u00fcchler-Hendricks)<\/em><\/strong><\/h1>\n\n\n\nThe recognition of multilingualism is more pronounced in France and Denmark than in Germany, in dealing both with the use of the native language by pupils and by their legal guardians. According to the study, the disenfranchisement of the language of origin through penalty for use in the classroom is something that takes place only in Germany (Baur\/K\u00fcchler-Hendricks 2020).<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Conclusion<\/h1>\n\n\n\n
For the new immigration in the migration\nsociety, special change is required of school. A European comparison highlights\nwhat schools in Germany can learn from neighbouring European countries France\nand Denmark:<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Migration is considered the norm in France and\nDenmark. The social integration of refugees is seen as a general\nsocio-political and professional-specific task. The multilingualism of children\nand young people is an accepted resource in everyday classroom life. In terms\nof organisation, the new arrivals are assigned to a regular class from the\noutset and successively integrated on the basis of the UPE2A (language learning\nclass); this is comparable to the Danish reception classes, from which the\ntransition to a regular class is also ensured. In France, parents can obtain\nsecure residency status on the basis of their will to educate \u2013 as expressed\nthrough the continuous schooling of their children. The French way of avoiding\nethnic, cultural and religious conflicts through the secularity requirement in\norder to enforce civil rights is a discussable approach for German schools. The\nsegregation processes at schools that can be observed in both Germany and\nFrance show, using the example of the language learning class of the coll\u00e8ge<\/em>\nin France, that a targeted establishment of language learning classes with\nparallel integration into regular classes at socio-economically strong schools\nmakes the school a safe place. This facilitates social participation and\nindependent living (cf. Baur 2020).<\/p>\n\n\n\nIn Denmark, a strong welcoming culture supports the concept of \u201cschool as a safe place\u201d and the school members surveyed place a focus on the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. This is not mentioned in the German survey, although in schools in Lower Saxony multi-professional cooperation aims at establishing network structures between schools and extra-curricular educational and cultural services as well as the police and the youth welfare office. A European comparison of school integration shows that it is not merely human, financial and material resources that municipalities must provide. At the same time, a human rights-focused approach to education and administration based on the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child is needed to adequately address the challenges described by the respondents. In Denmark, for example, teachers are trained by school psychologists in relationships of recognition with students. It should be discussed to what extent this task should be anchored modularly in education and training at universities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Literatur<\/strong>e<\/p>\n\n\n\nBaur, Christine (2020<\/strong>): Integration von gefl\u00fcchteten Sch\u00fcler\/innen durch Bildung – Impulse aus Frankreich. In Kolhoff, Ludger (Hg.), Aktuelle Diskurse in der Sozialwirtschaft III. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag f\u00fcr Sozialwissenschaften, S. 161-179.<\/p>\n\n\n\nBaur, C.; K\u00fcchler-Hendricks, A. (2021):<\/strong> \u201eAu\u00dfer Deutsch darf keine Sprache in diesem Unterricht gesprochen werden\u201c \u2013 Sprache und Heterogenit\u00e4t im deutschen Schulsystem\u201c.\u00a0K\u00f6lner Online Journal f\u00fcr Lehrer*innenbildung 3, 1\/2021, 70-82.<\/p>\n\n\n\nSchulze, E.; Spindler, S. (2017):<\/strong> Schule als sicherer Ort. Flucht als Herausforderung f\u00fcr Soziale Arbeit in der Schule. In: Die Deutsche Schule 109 (3), S. 248\u2013259. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
In Denmark, a strong welcoming culture supports the concept of \u201cschool as a safe place\u201d and the school members surveyed place a focus on the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. This is not mentioned in the German survey, although in schools in Lower Saxony multi-professional cooperation aims at establishing network structures between schools and extra-curricular educational and cultural services as well as the police and the youth welfare office. A European comparison of school integration shows that it is not merely human, financial and material resources that municipalities must provide. At the same time, a human rights-focused approach to education and administration based on the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child is needed to adequately address the challenges described by the respondents. In Denmark, for example, teachers are trained by school psychologists in relationships of recognition with students. It should be discussed to what extent this task should be anchored modularly in education and training at universities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Literatur<\/strong>e<\/p>\n\n\n\n Baur, Christine (2020<\/strong>): Integration von gefl\u00fcchteten Sch\u00fcler\/innen durch Bildung – Impulse aus Frankreich. In Kolhoff, Ludger (Hg.), Aktuelle Diskurse in der Sozialwirtschaft III. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag f\u00fcr Sozialwissenschaften, S. 161-179.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Baur, C.; K\u00fcchler-Hendricks, A. (2021):<\/strong> \u201eAu\u00dfer Deutsch darf keine Sprache in diesem Unterricht gesprochen werden\u201c \u2013 Sprache und Heterogenit\u00e4t im deutschen Schulsystem\u201c.\u00a0K\u00f6lner Online Journal f\u00fcr Lehrer*innenbildung 3, 1\/2021, 70-82.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Schulze, E.; Spindler, S. (2017):<\/strong> Schule als sicherer Ort. Flucht als Herausforderung f\u00fcr Soziale Arbeit in der Schule. In: Die Deutsche Schule 109 (3), S. 248\u2013259. <\/p>\n\n\n\n